Why philosophy? Vaste question!
Two Reasons
Let me simply contrast two reasons for philosophising which seem to have enjoyed great popularity throughout the twentieth century and beyond and point to a number of questions about the two reasons, questions which are rarely discussed or noticed. Some of these questions are philosophical, some sociological or historical. They include questions about the nature and possibility of philosophy, about the history and sociology of recent philosophy and, of course, questions about the reasons, good, bad and not too awful for philosophising.
One reason for philosophising in the twentieth century seems to have been curiosity about the answers to philosophical questions about the twentieth century, about the actual world, questions pertaining to ethical, aesthetic and, above all, political and social philosophy[1]. A quite different reason for philosophizing seems to have been either an interest in questions pertaining to theoretical philosophy (logic, metaphysics, ontology, epistemology, the philosophy of science, the philosophy of language….) or, if in practical philosophy, curiosity about the abstract questions of social and political philosophy. Interest in practical philosophy of this sort does not of course essentially involve any interest in how practical philosophy applies to the present. A philosopher falling into the second category might, for instance, be fascinated by the relations between freedom in republicanism and freedom in democracy, between political freedom and inner freedom or the paradoxes of political representation but not be interested, as a philosopher, in late capitalism, Amerikanismus, desire under capitalism, technology and mass man, contemporary forms of oppression or the health of the democracy she lives in.
The two reasons for philosophising in the twentieth century, then, are, first, an interest in the philosophy of the twentieth century, in normative, philosophical questions about the twentieth century, and, second, an interest in philosophy without any special or essential reference to the twentieth century. Questions about the applications of political and social philosophy to the twentieth century are, understandably enough, often felt to be more urgent than philosophical questions which are not about the twentieth or any other century.
In this characterization, the actual world is contrasted with merely possible worlds and the present, like the reference of “now”, can be more or less long. Interest I take to be a feeling which typically motivates wondering whether p and the desire or will to know. I assume that interest is a necessary condition for philosophising and that when the will or desire to know is motivated not by interest but by what is in someone’s interest one is no longer in the presence of a philosopher.
Much philosophy in the twentieth century in the West was concerned with aspects of life in the twentieth century: capitalism, late capitalism, desire and imagination under capitalism, power relations under capitalism, bourgeois forms of life, technology and rationalization, oppression and exploitation, imperialism and colonialism. More recently the varieties of oppression and the omnipresence of these varieties have captured philosophical interest. Many of these phenomena were taken to have a history which continued into the twentieth century. Heidegger, Adorno, Sartre, Foucault, Deleuze and Habermas all wanted to understand aspects of twentieth century life through the lens of practical philosophy, conceived of in many different, often incompatible, ways.
But the twentieth century was also the century in which the philosophies of logic, mathematics, science, language and mind flourished. As did practical philosophy, often without any essential reference to the contemporary world. The different branches of philosophy were cultivated without any reference to the contemporary world above all in early phenomenology and analytic philosophy.
Two Exceptions: Russell & Scheler
There are two striking exceptions to this rule. Two twentieth century philosophers who wrote extensively about the ethical, political and social questions of their times are Bertrand Russell (1872-1970) and Max Scheler (1874-1928). Each occupied a central position in the philosophical movements or currents to which they belonged, what came to be called analytic philosophy and phenomenology. Russell put logic, analysis and the philosophy of science at the heart of analytic philosophy in many of its manifestations. Scheler was the most influential and productive phenomenologist after Husserl up until the death of phenomenology in 1927 and published extensively on ethics, moral psychology, the theory of values and norms, social philosophy, the philosophy of mind and metaphysics. In addition to their extensive writings on the most abstract of philosophical questions only peripherally connected with contemporary reality, they both regularly adopted positions about Zeitfragen – Russell about social democracy, Marxism and Bolshevism, female emancipation, capitalism, power, nuclear weapons, both World Wars and the war in Vietnam[2]; Scheler about the first World War, capitalism, social democracy, socialism, Marxism and Bolshevism, female emancipation, religion in Germany and numerous contemporary political views and positions[3].
In 1935 a German historian of philosophy grouped or yoked the two philosophers together as follows:
What Troeltsch once said of Scheler, that his philosophy is a curious mixture of penetration (Scharfsinn), thoughtfulness (Tiefsinn) und thoughtlessness (Leichtsinn), holds also of Russell whose spiritual kinship with Scheler in these and other respects is obvious.[4]
Whatever “spiritual kinship” there was, their philosophies could not be more different. The essentialism, trust in the deliverances of intuition (Anschauung), naïve realism about values and essential non-formal connections and theism then panentheism of Scheler were all foreign to Russell (who continued to take seriously the value realism of Moore for only a decade or so after the publication of Principia Ethica).
Both philosophers were, on the other hand, interested in the ravages created by ressentiment and sour grapes. Both saw in capitalism and the love of money the enemies of what Russell called vitality and Scheler vital values. Indeed Scheler greeted enthusiastically what he took to be Russell’s agreements in Principles of Social Reconstruction with views Scheler had espoused before the Great War. They shared a strong and at the time unusual interest in the relations between sociology and philosophy. In the social conditions in which different philosophies emerged and in the social conditions marked by different philosophies. They wrote extensively about questions in social philosophy, in particular about non-normative questions in social philosophy. Unlike their closest philosophical collaborators, they were much exercised by the nature of power. They were among the first and most important thinkers to reject both capitalism and Marxism. They saw very clearly, unlike so many of their contemporaries, the emergence of the phenomenon of political religions, as opposed to non-religious political movements and activities, in particular Bolshevism. Indeed the first thorough attempts to understand political religions, totalitarianism, Bolshevism and Fascism are due to thinkers who were students of Scheler or strongly influenced by him (Gurian, Voegelin, von Hildebrand, Kolnai). Nevertheless, as Scheler’s only Cambridge disciple, the poet, philosopher and soldier, T. E. Hulme, pointed out, from Scheler’s point of view, Russell’s ethical and political views were in many respects neo-Romantic mistakes.
Two Types of Saviour – Doctors of the Age vs Medicine Men
What did Russell and Scheler think they were doing when writing about contemporary normative questions?
Scheler was struck by the increasing number of his contemporaries, philosophers and non-philosophers, turning their attention to contemporary, normative questions. He baptized them “doctors of the age” (Ärzte der Zeit). A new literary genre is coming into being, he says, which is not yet clear about its task and so is often confused with philosophy, ethics, psychology, pedagogy and the genre of history. Among the better known specimens of the genre he mentions are some writings of Dilthey, Weber, Sombart, Troeltsch and Freudian psychoanalysts, as well as his own explorations of ressentiment and the bourgeois. The art of the doctor of the age goes beyond philosophy to destroy the myths and illusions of his patients in order to heal, that is, save them.
But, Scheler stresses, the doctors of the age are surrounded by medicine men and other false prophets and quacks. These include the representatives of what he calls Literatenphilosophie, who pay no attention to the sciences, are unmethodical and lack rigour. Their aphoristic “philosophical literature” abounds in opinions and value judgments expressed in a personal and subjective form. He mentions in this connection Rathenau, Steiner, Spengler, Keyserling and some members of the George Circle[5]. Rathenau is the object of similar criticisms by Musil, criticisms which take wing in the biting portrait of Arnheim, the figure in Der Mann ohne Eigenschaften based in part on Rathenau. Scheler and Musil are indeed the leading critics of neo-Romanticism (which Scheler calls Pan-Romanticism) in the German-speaking world. And Musil’s “essayism” is often an attempt to philosophise about contemporary normative questions without falling into the errors of Literatenphilosophie or Lebensphilosophie (or of philosophers like Scheler).
Scheler’s “interventions” concerning burning political and ethical questions of the day invariably draw on his substantive normative views about different sorts of value, moral, ethical, religious, aesthetic, legal, epistemic, vital, economic, political and sensory, as well as on a remarkably thorough social philosophy and philosophy of sociology.
But this is not true of Russell’s “interventions”. Nor could it be given his scepticism about or rejection of the possibility of substantive, normative political and ethical theory. He seems often to have taken himself to have started from his own “subjective” moral and political preferences and to have proceeded from there via detailed arguments, distinctions and empirical claims to practical, urgent conclusions. Is (what seems to be) Russell’s view of his political life[6] correct?
Consider a modification of Russell’s views, a modification which concerns only his meta-normative views. Suppose Russell’s ethico-political preferences are correct. Suppose, then, that among the highest ethico-political values are freedom, political freedom but also inner freedom; the satisfaction of desires, not merely the satisfaction of desire as a propositional attitude but the satisfactions of the desire or impulse to F, enjoying F-ing, what Russell called zest, and Scheler Funktionsfreude; and, finally, the values of different aspects of vitality, including the value of power.
What sort of philosophy emerges from this modification of Russell’s official meta-normative view? One plausible answer is suggested by Wollheim, who says it would be
a matter only of simplification, and not of grave distortion to look on the whole of Russell’s social philosophy as an attempt, a sustained attempt, to repair that of John Stuart Mill: to supplement its deficiencies, to relate it to new ideas, and to demonstrate its applicability to the ever-changing realities of the twentieth century[7].
The modification mentioned is perhaps compatible with Russell’s early Moorean, naïve value-realism and with the forms of naturalism with which he experimented late in life. But not, of course, with the subjectivisms, emotivisms, anti-cognitivisms and error theory he endorsed for most of his life. But Russell, of course, had weapons ready to hand which did not require anything more than his own political and ethical preferences:
The political systems that I most dislike have the quality of being, in practice, self-refuting, that is to say, those who try to establish them are almost certain to fail (Russell 1944 740).
The publications by Scheler which make up his political life, his attempts to doctor or educate the age, are, as far as I can see, unique in the history of early, realistic phenomenology in their quantity, range and depth. Realist phenomenologists were by and large concerned with what they thought of as timeless questions. The most important – although not the only – exception to this rule apart from the case of Scheler is furnished by the publications of von Hildebrand and Kolnai in the 1930’s about and against German fascism. (The philosophical tradition which gave rise to early phenomenology, the descriptive psychology of Brentano’s most influential students, displays a similar structure. Ehrenfels’ active proselytizing for the cause of polygamy seems to be the sole major excursion into the political arena in this tradition).
In this respect, Scheler’s position within phenomenology resembles that of Russell within early analytic philosophy. But analytic philosophy is still very much alive and phenomenology died a long time ago. Analytic philosophy since the death of Russell has seen a great deal of applications of both normative ethics and political philosophy to the contemporary world. Numerous analytic philosophers have pronounced on contemporary political questions from Roger Scruton, Ernst Tugendhat, Michael Sandel and Peter Singer to Jason Stanley, Olivier Massin and Michael Esfeld.
Two Vices
Suppose a philosopher turns her attention from views about ethics, politics and social philosophy in the abstract to the actual world. What could possibly go wrong? Many of the things that could go wrong are not peculiar to such a philosopher. They are the risks that any economist, lawyer, scientist, politician or concerned citizen runs in addressing the public about burning issues of the day. One familiar risk is that strong feelings about the matter under discussion, the character of urgency they so often take on, will trump genuine interest, curiosity and the will to know. This is the risk of foolishness. There does not seem to be much reason to believe that philosophers writing about the present and future of the “construction” of the EU, dangers to the German Volk, the welfare state, abortion, social justice, justice or feminism are less likely to avoid foolishness than economists, lawyers, scientists, politicians, or concerned citizens. Is there a risk run by philosophers as such?
One such risk occasionally comes into focus in the classical critiques of and polemics against intellectuals from Ortega and Benda to Jean-François Revel and Thomas Sowell. Nor is this surprising. Many intellectuals have had some relation to philosophy or at least been happy to be considered philosophers. The risk often remains invisible because of easy and loose understandings of the very notion of “applying” normative philosophy to the actual world. It is, I suggest, best understood by bearing in mind a central feature of normative political philosophy. Philosophers of democracy, republicanism, socialism, communism, feminism and oppression typically have views about what makes a society democratic, a political regime republican, a citizen or subject free, a law just, a relationship one of oppression and so on. These views consist in large measure of specifications of value-makers or valifiers, of what more or less complex conditions make something democratic, republican, free, just. But the identification of such value-makers in the actual world, as opposed to their specification within a political philosophy, is a task for which philosophy is of little help. An additional but related problem arises when normative political philosophies are committed to claims about the interrelations between different values (goods, norms, rights) and their valifiers or conditions. The task of identifying the value-makers of a given value in the actual world is then complicated by the pressure to identify the valifiers of other values systematically connected with the value in question. The familiar risks of squeezing or trimming or exaggerating or underplaying the facts to make them fit an attractive theory are then run.
The philosopher is on safer – but not always safe – ground when she criticizes contemporary myths and ideologies. The “living myths” of an age, as Scheler points out, are what Ibsen called its ghosts. Criticisms of philosophical propositions are activities with which philosophers are very familiar and do not involve actually looking at the contemporary world in order to decide whether this or that society or custom or relationship in the actual world is an example of freedom, injustice or oppression.
Two Priorities
Within philosophy, within a philosophical tradition, it may be thought that the burning normative questions of the day are also the philosophically urgent questions or the philosophically most important questions or indeed the only philosophical questions. When such a view triumphs, then there occurs what Brentano called the second phase in the decline of philosophy. In this phase, there is a weakening or falsification of theoretical interest and inquiry is increasingly determined by practical motives.
Neither Russell nor Scheler thought that philosophy could or should be reduced to the attempt to grasp its time in thought. Neither thought that the burning normative questions of the day were philosophically urgent questions or the philosophically most important questions or indeed the only philosophical questions.
Was twentieth century philosophy characterized by the priority of practical interests over theoretical interests? This is a large and difficult empirical question, yet another rarely asked question. But it does seem to be the case that in early phenomenology and in analytic philosophy theoretical interests ruled the roost.
Two and Twenty Qualifications & Questions
Twentieth century Continental Philosophy did not follow the examples of Scheler and Russell. In the different traditions yoked together by their North American fans under this curious label, philosophy often seemed to run the risk of being identified with or swallowed up by the political philosophy of the present. What were the philosophical motivations, if any, for these near-identifications? This is one of the many questions suggested by the distinction within twentieth century philosophy between philosophy which is simply philosophy of normative aspects of life in the twentieth century and philosophy which is not so cribbed and confined.
A relevant motivation or reason is the pervasiveness of historicism. But I suspect that a detailed account of the causes of and reasons for the turn towards philosophy as a diagnosis of its own time and of its increasing importance would throw more light on historicism than the simple application of this term to swathes of intellectual history. I know of no detailed attempt to explain the peculiarities of the temporal and normative philosophical focus of what is called Continental Philosophy which would confirm or infirm this suspicion.
Another obvious question is suggested by the writings of those historians of political philosophy who throw doubt on the existence of political philosophies which are not essentially about their own times and its political problems and which are, they argue, addressed only to contemporaries. Such a view threatens many of the simplest ways of understanding the very idea of applying a political philosophy to contemporary problems.
Should such a view be generalized? Is all philosophy essentially about its time, whatever philosophers occasionally think or hope? This is not the way in which Scheler, Russell and many another philosopher have understood philosophy. But it might well be attractive to those who think that all truths are contingent truths and thus that there no non-contingent philosophical truths. This view or important elements of such a view has a striking lineage – Hume, Schopenhauer, Wittgenstein and Heidegger, according to some readings of these figures. But what exactly is its relation to the distinction between philosophy which is philosophy of its own time and philosophy which is not? The question, as far as I can see, is not often asked.
The distinction alluded to above between propositions which are contingently true, if true, and propositions which are non-contingently true, if true, has often been employed to justify the distinction between philosophy which is essentially bound to and about its own time and philosophy which is not so bound. But it has often been thought, particularly during the twentieth century, to be a distinction which corresponds to no real difference. Within a theory, it is said, there is no sharp difference between propositions of one sort and propositions of the other sort. Sometimes such a view is supported by reference to the undeniable fact that twentieth century theoretical philosophy has paid more and more attention to contemporary developments in empirical science. How could the philosophy of physics or of biology be done without such attention?
How, then, might or should the distinction between philosophy which is and philosophy which is not essentially bound to its present be understood if a sharp difference between contingent and non-contingent truths is rejected?
My next question or speculation is sociological. Analytic philosophy has, it seems, turned out to be a remarkably sturdy creature. It seems, too, to have weathered many of the storms which have beset other disciplines in Faculties of Letters, Arts and the Geisteswissenschaften. There are many possible, compatible explanations for this sturdiness. One such is the fact that analytic philosophy is, in principle, as much at home in a Faculty of Letters as in a Faculty of Science. Might it also be the case that the sturdiness is due to the fact that within analytic philosophy the view that philosophy is fundamentally practical philosophy and the view that practical philosophy is fundamentally the philosophy of the present have never triumphed? The application of ethics or political philosophy to the present is still more often than not the application of a perfectly general set of claims – one or another form of utilitarianism, one or another theory of social justice, one or another theory of rationality – to the actual world.
A final set of questions. Suppose there is a distinction to be drawn within twentieth century philosophy between doctors of the age, on the one hand, and medicine men, quacks and charlatans, on the other hand. The distinction will doubtless be drawn – indeed in some cases has been drawn (Lukacs on Scheler and Wittgenstein on Russell) – in many different and sometimes incompatible ways.
Philosophers are not likely to agree about who (of, say, Adorno, de Beauvoir, Deleuze, Foucault, Habermas, Heidegger, Lukacs, Sartre, Scheler and Russell) belongs on which side of the divide. Perhaps there is no sharp distinction to be drawn but only a continuum of cases. In each case, one might wonder whether what prevents a would-be doctor of the age from being or becoming a medicine man is a clear and constant awareness of the distinction between philosophy which is and philosophy which is not urgent. As far as I can tell, Scheler and Russell, in their pedagogical and political writings, regularly have this distinction in mind. Is it perhaps one way for philosophers to avoid a specifically philosophical form of foolishness?[8],[9].
Notes
[1] Cf. Ollig 1991.
[2] For good overviews and discussions, see Ryan 1988, Wollheim 1974, Schultz 1992.
[3] Scheler 1984.
Was Troeltsch einmal von Scheler gesagt hat, dass nämlich seine Philosophie eine seltsame Mischung von Scharfsinn, Tiefsinn und Leichtsinn sei, das trifft auch auf Russell zu, dessen Geistesverwandschaft mit Scheler auch in anderer Hinsicht in die Augen springt (Metz 1935, 107)
[5] Scheler 1986.
[6] Cf. Ryan 1988.
[7] Wollheim 1974, 209. For a discussion of Wollheim’s suggestion, see Schultz 1994.
[8] It is a great pleasure to contribute to this Festschrift in honour of Gianfranco Soldati, one of the very few philosophers alive who knows his way around the writings of the descriptive psychologists, the phenomenologists and the analytic philosophers. In this, as in other respects, he resembles his predecessors in Fribourg, J. M. Bochenski and G. Küng.
[9] This paper is based on part of a talk, “Geschichte und Zukunft der analytischen Philosophie”, at the 2022 Wuppertal conference, Der alte und der neue Ueberweg (zum 150sten Todestag von Friedrich Ueberweg). Neue Perspektiven einer Historiographie der Philosophie für das 21. Jahrhundert. I am grateful to Jobst Landgrebe for his suggestions.
References
Metz, R. 1935 Die philosophischen Strömungen der Gegenwart in Grossbritannien, Leipzig: Meiner.
Ollig, H-L, 1991 ed. Philosophie als Zeitdiagnose. Ansätze der Deutschen Gegenwartsphilosophie. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft.
Russell, B. 1944 “Reply to Criticisms”, in Schilpp (ed.), 681-741.
Ryan, A. 1988 Bertrand Russell. A Political Life, Penguin.
Scheler, M. 1982 Politisch-pädagogische Schriften
(ed.) Manfred S. Frings, Gesammelte Werke IV, Bonn: Bouvier Verlag.
1986 Schriften aus dem Nachlaß, Bd. 1: Zur Ethik und Erkenntnislehre, Gesammelte Werke, X, (ed.) Maria Scheler, Bonn: Bouvier Verlag.
Schilpp, P. A. (ed.), 1944, The Philosophy of Bertrand Russell, Chicago: Northwestern University.
Schultz, B. 1992, “Bertrand Russell in Ethics and Politics”, Ethics, 102: 594–634.
Wollheim, R. 1974 “Bertrand Russell and the Liberal Tradition, Bertrand Russell’s Philosophy, (ed.) G. Nakhnikian, 209-20. New York: Barnes & Noble.